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Hegemonia

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Enviado por   •  1 de Mayo de 2012  •  1.443 Palabras (6 Páginas)  •  261 Visitas

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It can be say that Mexico has had four major stages throughout its history. Beginning with "Mexico in the pre-Hispanic or pre-Columbian" period that is distinguished above all by the fall of Tenochtitlan and the arrival, the of the Spaniards, the next period is called "Colonial Period", which represents when the country shared a bond with Spain, this period ended in 1810 with the beginning of the Independence, and gives way to "Modern Mexico" covering exactly a century; ending with the Mexican Revolution in 1910. From this year to date has been called what we know as “Contemporary Mexico" and this period include also the “Maximato”, the “Cardenismo” and the “Priismo”.

Mexico’s path toward democratic governance has been unique, after a prolonged and uncertain transition from a single-party dominance and newfound political transparency.

This paper will describe the main features of the new Mexican party system, arguing that the contemporary electoral arena can be considered competitive and “democratic” even if there remain impediments to full democracy in other dimensions of the political regime. First, It will be outlined the birth of the PRI and analyze the system that facilitated the party’s hegemony for more than 70 years. Then explore the reasons for the PRI decline and the factors that contributed to the emergence of democratic competition in Mexico. In a third section it will be described the creation of new political parties and how they struggled they way to political arena and also the creation of the IFE; finally end with a general review of the actual Mexican electoral policies.

PRI as a national party, hegemony and control

No analysis of the contemporary party system can be offered without reference to the history of PRI domination. While the evolution of electoral competition is less the focus of this paper than current electoral politics, I will provide both explicit and implicit comparisons of contemporary politics to those of the mid 1980s and before as they seem warranted. Mexico does not yet have a tradition of competitive electoral politics and the PRI has yet to yield the all important presidency, so the novelty of electoral competition and of the prospect of a non-PRI president must be underscored by reference to the history of PRI hegemony.

Although the armed phase of the Mexican revolution had ended in 1920, Mexico had continued to encounter political unrest. A grave political crisis caused by the 1928 assassination of the elect president Álvaro Obregón led to the founding in 1929 of the National Revolutionary Party (Partido Nacional Revolucionario: PNR) by Plutarco Elías Calles, Mexico's president from 1924 to 1928. The intent was to institutionalize the Mexican Revolution. In the first years of the party's existence, the PNR was, above all, the political machine of Calles. As 'Maximum Chief' of the party, he continued to hold the real power in an era known as the Maximato. The presidents of this period, Emilio Portes Gil, Pascual Ortiz Rubio and Abelardo L. Rodríguez were little more than puppets of Calles. This ended with the election of Lázaro Cárdenas, a candidate handpicked by Calles, in 1934. It quickly became clear Cárdenas would not accept a subordinate role like his predecessors did. He was a person of leftist ideas who nationalized different industries and provided many social institutions which are dear to the Mexican people and had the party renamed to Party of the Mexican Revolution (Partido de la Revolución Mexicana: PRM).

During the transition between Cárdenas and his successor Manuel Ávila Camacho, happened an event that could have advance in decades the arrival of multiparty democracy to Mexico. “General Officer Juan Andreu Almazán as a Mexican revolutionary soldier, politician, and businessman. When the Mexican Revolution began, he joined the revolutionary party and abandoned his studies. After the revolution he operated in several army movements. In late 1938, a group of friends and supporters of Almazan, convinced him to nominate himself as presidential candidate for the following elections. On July 1939 he appeared before the public a document running as a candidate for the presidency elections. To do this, his supporters founded the PRUN (Partido Revolucionaio de Unificacion Nacional), and also received support from the Labour Party and the National Action Party (PAN). Almazan was considered the candidate of the moderate political right, against the candidate of the government of Lazaro Cardenas, General Manuel Avila Camacho.

The campaign was very violent and polarizing. The federal election day, the July 7, 1940, gangs of thugs in the service of the Cardenas administration, armed machine guns, roamed the polls firing into the ranks of voters predominated among people with distinctive of Almazan’s campaign,

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(2012, 05). Hegemonia. ClubEnsayos.com. Recuperado 05, 2012, de https://www.clubensayos.com/Acontecimientos-Sociales/Hegemonia/174741.html

"Hegemonia" ClubEnsayos.com. 05 2012. 2012. 05 2012 <https://www.clubensayos.com/Acontecimientos-Sociales/Hegemonia/174741.html>.

"Hegemonia." ClubEnsayos.com. ClubEnsayos.com, 05 2012. Web. 05 2012. <https://www.clubensayos.com/Acontecimientos-Sociales/Hegemonia/174741.html>.

"Hegemonia." ClubEnsayos.com. 05, 2012. consultado el 05, 2012. https://www.clubensayos.com/Acontecimientos-Sociales/Hegemonia/174741.html.