Advanced analysis of the methods of psychotherapy
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The Many Secure Knowledge Bases of Psychotherapy
RAYMOND M. BERGNER, Ph.D.
Psychotherapeutic practice, while it has benefited greatly from scientific
research, rests on many further secure epistemic foundations. In the present
article, this thesis is argued in two stages. First, a brief review of some
elementary epistemologicalfindings is presented. In this review, the generally
acknowledged degree of certainty attributed to different knowledge sources,
and thus the confidence with which we may believe and act upon them, are
recounted. Second, an extended analysis of the ways in which each of these
knowledge sources enter into the practice of psychotherapy is developed. In
the end, what is proffered here is a demonstration that well conducted
psychotherapy is an activity whose judgments and decisions rest on many
secure foundations.
THE MANY SECURE KNOWLEDGE BASES OF PSYCHOTHERAPY
. . .it is, rather, of the essence ofour
investigation that. . .we want to
understand something that is already in
plain view. For this is what we seem in
some sense not to understand.
—Wittgenstein (1953, # 89)
It is long since established that the scientific method represents an
indispensable tool for answering many questions pertaining to persons,
their disorders, and their effective treatment (American Psychological
Association Task Force on Psychological Intervention Guidelines, 1995;
Chambless et al., 1996; Grawe, 1997; Newman & Tejeda, 1996). Is therapy
X superior to therapy Y in its outcome? Is disorder Z found with regularity
to have its etiology in some current or historical state of affairs? Are
therapists skilled in the implementation of process variable A more
effective on average than those less skilled in its implementation? All of
Mailing address: Department of Psychology, Illinois State University, Normal, IL 61790-4620.
e-mail: rmbergn@ilstu.edu
AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PSYCHOTHERAPY, Vol. 60, No. 3, 2006
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AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PSYCHOTHERAPY
these questions, and more, are ones that by their nature are properly
investigated via empirical scientific methods.
What seems far less appreciated, however, is the degree to which
psychotherapy rests on further epistemic bases. Granted that while
scientific evidence is an invaluable source of knowledge for clinical
practitioners, relatively little attention has been devoted to the matters
of what further knowledge sources are involved in the competent
practice of therapy and how much confidence can justifiably be placed
in these sources. The purpose of the present article is to address this
state of affairs. Its central thesis is that well conducted psychotherapy is
an activity whose judgments and decisions rest on multiple secure
foundations.
In part one of this paper, a brief review of some elementary epistemology
is presented. Recounted here are the generally acknowledged degrees
of certainty attributed to propositions yielded by differetit knowledge
sources, and the confidence with which we may believe and act upon them.
In part two of the paper, I develop an extended analysis of the ways in
which each of these differentially justified knowledge sources enter into the
practice of psychotherapy.
LEVELS OF JUSTIFIED BELIEF: A BRIEF REVIEW
The following analysis of levels of justified belief draws heavily upon
the mainstream conclusions of philosophical investigators (Hospers, 1997,
pp. 39-128; Pecorino, 2001; Solomon, 1989, pp. 117-271; Wittgenstein,
1922). On this analysis, ranked from most certain to least certain, are
propositions yielded by the following epistemic sources:
Level 1: Analytic, a priori knowledge
Level 2: Empirical observation and inductive generalization
Level 3: Established non-probabilistic scientific theory
Level 4: Established probabilistic scientific finding and theory
Level 5: AnecdotaUy based generalization
Level 6: Intuition, hunch, and impression
If this much is familiar to the reader, he or she may safely skip this section
and pass to the next one. If it is not familiar, a brief characterization of
each of these knowledge sources is presented in the paragraphs to follow.
LEVEL 1: ANALYTIC, A PRIORI KNOWLEDGE
True propositions of mathematics (e.g., the set theoretical proposition
that "if all A is B, and all B is C, then all A is C"), of logic (e.g.,
Aristotle's principle of noncontradiction: "nothing can be both A and
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Knowledge Bases of Psychotherapy
not-A"), and oi conceptual tautology (e.g., "all bachelors are single") are
by common consensus entirely a priori in nature. When true, such
propositions are universally regarded as necessarily true and are subject
neither to rational doubt nor to empirical disconfirmation (Hospers,
1997; Pecorino, 2001; Solomon, 1989; Wittgenstein, 1922). Eurther,
when applied in real world contexts (e.g. when mathematics or logic is
employed in scientific endeavors), these propositional forms themselves
continue to be necessarily valid, while the deductive conclusions drawn
from their employment in such contexts can only be as sound as the
premises upon which they are based (e.g., the accuracy of empirical
observations).
LEVEL 2: EMPIRICAL OBSERVATION AND INDUCTIVE GENERALIZATION
Next in the order of confidence with which we may entertain propositions
are those deriving from empirical observation. These include, first
of all, reports of unaided sensory observations, such as "the apple fell from
the tree," as well as instrumentally assisted observations, such as "the cell
just divided." Also included here are propositions reporting the welldocumented
empirical observations of others. While these latter observations
pertain to many areas of life such as history, biography, and news
reportage (e.g., "Hurricane Katrina ravaged New Orleans in 2005"), an
important special case of such propositions pertains to established empirical
findings in the sciences (e.g., "DNA is composed of four distinct
elements arrayed in a double helix configuration").
Notwithstanding its high degree of certitude, the consensus is that
empirical observation contains an element of uncertainty—it is not infallible.
In the scientific realm, for example, it was "observed" for centuries
that the sun revolved around the earth, that planetary orbits were circular,
and that the earth was flat; all of these observations ultimately proved
incorrect. Nonetheless, we assign very high degrees of confidence to
propositions arising from careful and well-documented empirical observation.
Indeed, for the scientist, such observations are universally regarded
as the evidential bedrock for the adequacy of his or her conclusions.
Finally, though famously questioned by David Hume (1777/1988), we
assign confidence to empirical generalizations that we form via inductive
inference from such observations when these generalizations prove highly
reliable. Eor example, we have great confidence that unsupported objects
will continue to fall to earth and that light will continue to bend in the
vicinity of a strong gravitational field.
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AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PSYCHOTHERAPY
LEVEL 3: ESTABLISHED, NON-PROBABILISTIC SCIENTIFIC THEORY
Theories, such as those of relativity, evolution, and the big bang, are by
consensus never regarded as immune from being superceded by newer and
more successful theories, and are perceived as having different likelihoods
of being successful theories. Thus, evolutionary theory currently is regarded
as very strongly supported by vast amounts of evidence (Gould,
2002), while superstring theory, due to its weaker evidentiary support, is
regarded as far more provisional (Greene, 2002). Accordingly, the propositions
of the most established scientific theories fall next on our scale of
confidence. Examples here would include: "Individuals possessing characteristics
advantageous for survival in a given environment will constitute
an increasing proportion of their species in succeeding generations;" and
"The universe originated billions of years ago with the explosion of a
hyperconcentrated matter-energy singularity."
LEVEL 4: ESTABLISHED, PROBABILISTIC SCIENTIHC FINDINGS AND THEORIES
Sciences such as psychology, economics, and sociology characteristically
issue their findings in probabilistic terms: "The likelihood of the
observed association between X and Y being due to chance is less than five
in 100;" or "On average, although there was a substantial overlap between
the two experimental groups, group A exhibited a higher group mean on
dependent variable X than did group B, suggesting that independent
variable Y has a varying but on average greater effect." Such being the
evidential base, propositions generated by these
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